Skip to main content

Moren@: Language of Resistance




It is often that Dominicans come to mind when it comes to self-hate or anti-blackness. "Dominican's don't like to be called black"- is a common term. I remember back close to a decade ago I watched one of my first afro-dominican documentaries "Congo-Pa-Ti" which featured the community of Villa Mella in North-Santo Domingo and although one part featured the outstanding traditions of the people, the other almost in mockery asked residents of villa mella what they considered themselves as far as "race", some respondents said yellow, cinnamon and where quite precise with their color. The ones that said "moren@" where translated in the subtitles as "mixed black" or "light skin black". In the end it seemed to illustrate for the English speaker that Dominican's don't use the term "negro" "black" and therefore use other terms to avoid it. Growing up as a person who gets called "moreno" by some and "indio" by others I found this notion to be very off. From my experiences living in the Island I knew something was lost in the translation.


Historical uses of the term Moren@ vs Negr@:

The below are from the point of view of the officials who wrote these documents such as the lawyers, and other officials approving the sale of human beings, transfer of land rights, etc. So these are not only symbolic but have a legal weight to them for example the laws written and re-written over the colonial time periods to subjugate the black population in the island where called "Los Codigos Negro Carolino".
NEGR@:

Bayaguana, colony of Santo Domingo: May 11 1792 [Archive of Bayaguana]
DonaciĆ³n de una negra esclava nombrada Teresa, consentida por Gregorio Rijo en favor a Manuela Guerrero, su mujer. Otorgada por ante el Alcalde Ordinario.
Donation of a negra named Teresa, permited by Gregorio Rijo in favor of Manuela Guerrero, his wife.  Authorized by the local Mayor.
Higuey, colony of Santo Domingo: Oct 29 1810 [Archive of Higuey]
Venta de una negra nombrada MarĆ­a Leonor, otorgada por JosĆ© Guerrero, comandante de las armas, a Juan Lorenzo, en precio de 320 pesos fuertes
Sale of a negra named Maria Leonor, sold by Jose Guerrero army commander to Juan Lorenzo for the price of 320 pesos.
Licey, Santiago, Santo Domingo: 1776 [Book of illegally imported slaves 1776]
Manuel RodrĆ­guez Cayetano, con dos negras de 18 y 25; Pablo Cisneros, cuatro negros, tres Congos y uno CarabalĆ­;
Manuel Rodriguez Cayetano with two negras ages 18 and 25; Pablo Cisneros, cuatros negros, 3 Congolese and one Carabali
Moren@:

Puertoplata, Santo Domigo: October 1736 , regarding construction of 25 homes:
[Expancion fundmental del cibao, Manuel V. Hernandez Gonzales]
No pudo hacerse con esclavos por no aparecer los de La Vega y CotuĆ­ y los de Santiago, los mĆ”s haber hecho fuga, por lo que determinĆ³ llevar hombres libres. El 16 de julio partiĆ³ de Santiago el capitĆ”n TomĆ”s Lorenzo con 34 morenos de las colonias, seis de CotuĆ­, 11 de La Vega y 17 de esa ciudad.
We could not build (the homes) with slaves because none where available in La Vega, Cotui or Santiago, they most likely are in hiding, which forces us to contract free men. On the 16th of July captain Tomas Lorenzo left from Santiago to Puerto Plata with 34 Morenos of the colony, 6 from cotui, 11 from La Vega and 17 from this city. 
Bayaguana, Colony of Santo domingo: 1756 Testament: [Archive of Bayaguana]
Testamento de Juan Antonio DomĆ­nguez, de esta ciudad, se casĆ³ en Santo Domingo con Francisca Eusebio, morena libre. Tuvo tres hijos.
Testament of Juan Antonio Dominguez of this city who married in Santo Domingo with Francisca Eusebia, free morena. Had 3 children.
Bayaguana, Colony of Santo Doming: 1746 Land Purchase: [Archive of Bayaguana]
Venta de una caballerĆ­a de tierra en La Loma del Medio, otorgada por Juan Geraldo, de esta ciudad, en favor a Juan Bautista, boruco, moreno libre de Santo Domingo
Sale of a piece of land in the central hill, sold by Juan Geraldo of this city to Juan Bautista, of Boruco caste, free moreno of Santo Domingo. 

Moren@ and Negr@ in same document: 

In the town of Cotui, 8th of April 1777, Antonio Adames, Free Moreno of this neighborhood presented a Negra, whom he says is his slave, her name is Rosa Maria and she is a creole of Curazao, age of about 22 years, with no stamps..... [Libro de negros indultos del norte de Santo Domingo 1776-1777, Archivo General de Madrid]

15, February, 1777, ..... Presents Juana de las mercedes Free Morena of this neighborhood 3 Negras, her slaves, named: Isabel of the Congo nation of about 25 years, another named Maria, creole of the french side of age of about 12, another named Agueda.. of age of 30 years old and a Negrito named Ambrosio who is a french side creole. 

Self Identification:

In the wills available in the Archivo General de la Nacion's repository which contains the Archives of Bayaguana, El Seibo and Hato Mayor you will find many instances of Moreno and Morena's identify as such, there are no wills dictated by any person of African-descent who says they are "Negr@". While you may find Moren@s in the archive with the word slave next to them, it's very few and it is an error of the Spanish authorities who did not know any better. In all self-identification documents, wills, transfers of power, land sales, land purchases Black Domincians referred to themselves as Moren@s. 


"En... Nostoros los morenos criollos, nacidos en esta tierra, deseando todos juntos servir a Dios y emplearnos en obras santas.... 

"We the Moreno creoles, born in this land, wish to unanimously serve God and join in to holy services..."  

"En el Nombre de Dios nuestro Senor de America, cuento esta carta viva yo, Pedro Pacheco, Moreno Libre vecino de esta ciudad San Juan Bautista de Bayaguana, tierra adentro de esta isla de la America septremptional, hallandome enfermo pero en mi entero juicio y entendimineto natural, creyendo como firmamente creo en el altisimo misterio de la santisima trinidad ......   Que yo soy Casado y velado segun ordanza de nuestra santa madre iglesia con Ynosencia Paredes, de cuyo matrimonio hemos procerado tres hijos cuyos nombres son Antonio, Manuel y Estevania....
   "In the name of God, our sir of America, while this living letters tells that I, Pedro Pacheco, Free Moreno, resident of our city San Juan Bautista de Bayaguana, inland of this island of Northern  America, finding myself ill but in good mental health and judgement, being a firm believer in the high mysteries of the holy trinity.....  That I am married and wed in accordance of our holy mother church with Ynosencia Paredes, of this marriage we have bore three children whose names are, Antonio,Manuel and Estevania.

... Yo Luisa del rosario de color Moreno, viuda y vecina de esta ciudad de Santo Domingo de la Espanola, otorgo que doy mi poder porque se require y es necesario a Manuel de la Ascencion mi nieto, para que en mi nombre y representado mi propia persona, pueda vender a Manuel Megia Vecino de la Bayaguana........
"I Luisa del Rosario of the color Moreno, widow and resident of the city of Santo Domingo of Hispaniola, I hereby grant my power as it is necessary by law to my grandson Manuel De La Ascencion, so that he in my name and representation can sell to Manuel Megia, resident of Bayaguana.
Spanish Authorities who spoke about Afro-Peruvians tended to either use the term negro as an umbrella term to use the other terms more or less interchangeably; mulatos where those who could claim Spanish along with African parentage, and morenos and negros could not or did not. However, Among African-descent people themselves, these categories had very difference valences: negro referred to someone who was enslaved, while moreno was the color designation associated with a free person. It is notable that of 17 testators, only one was described as negra in her own will. Maria Angola in 1664. All the rest called themselves morena (12), parda (1), mulata (2) or simple libre 'free' (1), refusing a relationship with the institution of slavery through their language.
In 1598, the new mayordomo of La Antigua, Francisco de Gamarra, a free construction worker, accused his predecessor, Anton Aparias, of embezzling funds. Aparias filed a brief with the court to deny the charges, and in so doing identified himself as moreno while called Gamarra negro. Gamarra responded in kind, next introducing himself in his own brief as "Francisco de gamarra free moreno mason, and official of the Holy Office of the Inquisition...... Yet the language clearly mattered to the afro-peruvian men. The switch in designation was not simply a gesture towards their present status, but a refusal of the link with slavery. Through the linguistic devices such as calling themselves morenas and failing to mention their own histories of transformation, Afro-Peruvians wrote slavery out of their life stories.
This pattern repeats itself throughout Latin-america and its effect in the modern world is such that we are left in the Dominican Republic with a culture that resisted the term Negr@ in favor of Moren@.

There are numerous contemporary examples of people in our communities identifying with the term moren@, such as Moreno Graciano from the Congos of villa Mella, or the Palo music group of San Francisco de Macoris called "Palo Moreno". Classical bachata, classical merengue and of course our oldest and most autonomous music "Palos" of which there are examples below, highlight the case in point with Moren@ not only being a prefered term, but many of these songs are hundreds of years old, passed down by generations.


Examples of Palo songs with Morena as central theme:

Also other musics of the island have this very same pattern, whereby the older songs which come straight out of the countryside experiences use the preferred term morena.

Examples of 60s' 70s' bachata:



Conclusion:
It is very clear that the term Negro/Negra was the choice of words for the enslaver and the people in power to refer to our enslaved ancestors. But in the case of the colony of Santo Domingo (Dominican Rep.) as well as many other places with afro-descendants like Peru, Cuba, Venezuela, Panama, etc. Our ancestors once free from bondage would gravitate towards the term "morena/moreno" to no longer be associated with bondage but still be immensely proud of their color and their precedence. It took many years of resistance to get this type of respect from racist colonial powers, in fact in some parts of the Spanish empire people went as far as to file a legal complaint for being called negra. Such is the case of the Afro-descendants in Huelva, Spain who where some of the last surviving of their kind in the Spanish peninsula.

Cita otro documento (siglo XVIII) sobre un proceso judicial abierto a raĆ­z de que una vecina llamara negra a otra que se proclamaba morena.
Another document cites a legal process in the 18th century whereby a neighbor called another neighbor negra who claimed to be morena instead. 

It is no surprise that in present day Dominican Rep. there is an objection to the term Negr@, and rightfully so considered the historical connections of the word with slavery, this is often mistaken for "denial" of blackness, but it is actually a resistance by Afro-descendants in the new world to colonial language, preferring a term Moren@ that described their color but attached to a humanity rather then an inanimate object. To be able to define your freedom in colonial times first delineating it with your identity was an important first step to protect you and yours from racist laws and mandates of the time. While most people in modern-day D.R might not know WHY they prefer the term Moren@ the history speaks for itself.








Comments

  1. Interesting! We also have that in the ABC islands ( I am of Aruban and Curacaon descent), the Blacks who were enslaved were called Zwart and Neger (Zwart means Black, Neger means Negro). But when they were free, , they were called Vrije lieden van coleur, which means Free people of colour. My parents dont like the term Negro/Black either since its associated with slavery, they identify themsleves as Hende di color which means Person of colour.

    ReplyDelete
  2. what sites can I search my paren ts genealogy. They are both from Dominican Republic

    ReplyDelete

Post a Comment

Popular posts from this blog

We don't have African Ancestry from One Place - Example of Dominicans

For those of you who have watched genetic/genealogy TV shows like Finding your Roots by Henry Louis Gates JR, or perhaps NatGEO documentaries on the "Roots" of people you may be thinking that we have one ancestral homeland, this is not the case for pretty much anybody in the Caribbean or the Americas for that matter. In all the studies done, and if you take a personal dna test or have the luck of finding these distant ancestors via genealogy you will quickly note your roots are all over Africa, all over the Americas and all over Europe.  Ancestry.com provides one of the most comprehensive but not perfect African regional analyses which I am using in these examples, the names of the categories are NOT meant to be countries, they encompass large regions, so "Senegal" is not confined to Senegal but goes all the way to parts of Ghana and even Nigeria in the case of Fulani and Hausa folks. This is not specific to one ethnicity as many African ethnicities may s...

Freedom in the Colony of Santo Domingo

Early society in the colony of Santo Domingo started out very similarly to other colonies in the Americas with a very high rate of enslaved natives, pillaging, murdering from the Spanish followed by a mass importation of Africans of a multitude of ethnicity ranging from inhabitants of the Jollof empire to inhabitants of the Kongo empire.  Santo Domingo which was later to become the Dominican Republic had a majority of enslaved peoples  up until the early 1600s, after which time period, a combination of events such sugar cane economy crashing in 1606 and plagues such as measles in 1666, created an environment where free people began to outnumber the enslaved. With an ever-decreasing white-population this also meant that the free population of the island also had less and less vigilance and had more access to social climbing. This of course does not erase the fact that we are not truly free until we are all free , and it was not until Feb. 1822 during Boyer's occupation that we ...